quinta-feira, 5 de abril de 2012
quinta-feira, 1 de dezembro de 2011
Gota d'Agua, assine por favor!
GOTA D'AGUA http://www.movimentogotadagua.com.br/assinatura
Vossa Excelência Sra Presidente Dilma Rousseff
Exmo. Sr. Presidente da Câmara dos Deputados Marco Maia PT/RS
Nós do Movimento Gota D’Água pedimos o vosso empenho e ação para evitar mais umdesastre ambiental de proporções gigantescas:
Vossa Excelência Sra Presidente Dilma Rousseff
Exmo. Sr. Presidente da Câmara dos Deputados Marco Maia PT/RS
Nós do Movimento Gota D’Água pedimos o vosso empenho e ação para evitar mais umdesastre ambiental de proporções gigantescas:
- • pedimos vossa atenção para ouvir os argumentos da população do Xingu, dos ambientalistas, técnicos e cientistas verdadeiramente empenhados em achar soluções para o desenvolvimento sustentável do Brasil.
- • pedimos o fim dos discursos ambientalistas de palanque e o avanço na direção de umadiscussão verdadeira em prol de políticas alternativas de geração de energia sustentável - capazes de gerar a energia necessária ao desenvolvimento do país, sem arruinar um ecossistema dessa magnitude
- • pedimos a interrupção imediata das obras de Belo Monte e a abertura de um amplo debate, que convoque os brasileiros a refletir e a opinar sobre qual modelo de progresso estão dispostos a perseguir, cientes das conseqüências de suas escolhas.
(Os Signatários)
English
To Ms President Dilma Rousseff
To the National Congress of Brazil - Mr. Deputy Marco Maia PT / RS
The petition of “Movimento Gota D’água”,
A nonpartisan organization, committed to stop the imminent building of Belo Monte and to increase the awareness of the Brazilian population over the subject of sustainable development,
Declares that
The building of a gigantic hydroelectric power plant in the Amazon Forest will destroy the natural habitat of thousands of species and brutally dislodge entire local communities. What amount of electric energy would justify such an act of violence and destruction?
The petitioners therefore request that the President and Brazilian Congressmen bring their commitment and action to prevent another environmental disaster of gigantic proportions and request:
- • That the arguments of the people from Xingu are heard, as well as the alternative solutions for energy generation presented by environmentalists and scientists;
- • That campaing speeches on enviromental issues are replaced by a true discussion of alternative policies to promote and develop technologies, which are able to generate the energy needed to develop the country, without ruining an ecosystem of this magnitude and value;
- • That the construction of Belo Monte be stopped immediatly.
- • The opening of a national debate to increase the awareness of the Brazilian people to reflect and opine on what model of progress we are willing to pursue, aware of the consequences of our choices.
And the petitioner(s) remain(s), etc.
ASSINE AQUI!
Marcadores:
Brazilian politics e polêmicas,
In Portuguese
sexta-feira, 8 de julho de 2011
Another victory for our plutocrat overlords: IRS ceases audits of large donors to 501(c)4 organizations (faux think tanks, etc.) -- many of these tax-exempt organizations are in fact nothing more than lobbyists for the ultra-right wing
I.R.S. Drops Audits of Political Donors
by STEPHANIE STROM, The New York Times, July 7, 2011
The Internal Revenue Service on Thursday abandoned its effort to force five big-ticket donors to pay gift taxes on contributions they made to nonprofit advocacy groups that are playing an increasing role in American politics.
“Until further notice, examination resources should not be expended on this issue,” Steven T. Miller, deputy commissioner for services and enforcement, wrote in a memo posted on the I.R.S. Web site.
“This is a difficult area,” Mr. Miller wrote, “with significant legal, administrative and policy implications with respect to which we have little enforcement history.”
The memo was a sharp reversal for the tax agency, which had invoked a rarely used, 30-year-old ruling to warn the five donors in February that they might owe gift taxes on their donations. Organizations heavily financed by conservative donors like David Koch, or in the case of Crossroads GPS, tied to top Republican strategists like Karl Rove, would have come under such newly enforced rules, were they to be imposed across the board.
News of those audits broke in May, after lawyers representing the donors complained about them in an American Bar Association meeting. Neither the donors nor the organizations to which they made the gifts that prompted the I.R.S. audits have been disclosed publicly.
The issue electrified the political world, where such advocacy groups, known as 501(c)4 organizations for the section of the tax code under which they are established, have become powerful players in recent years.
Mr. Rove’s group and Priorities USA, a new liberal advocacy group set up by two former Obama administration officials, Bill Burton and Sean Sweeney, are attracting ever larger war chests in support of campaigns and causes because they can offer their donors anonymity, unlike political action committees and 527 organizations.
The I.R.S. audits became public just as such groups were ramping up for the 2012 election cycle, and a group of six senators led by Senator Orrin Hatch, Republican from Utah, wrote to the I.R.S. commissioner Douglas H. Shulman raising concerns that its effort to impose gift taxes on donations to these groups was politically motivated and in violation the First Amendment.
“This decision today ensures that the I.R.S. remains free from even the hint of undue political influence,” Mr. Hatch said in a statement on Thursday. “It cannot be turned into an arm of political retribution or payback.”
Similarly, David Camp, Republican of Michigan and chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, questioned the process the I.R.S had used to challenge the five donors and whether the Obama administration, which has been critical of the increasing power of advocacy groups, was involved.
On Thursday, Mr. Camp issued a statement saying that while he welcomed Mr. Miller’s decision, he remained concerned that the I.R.S. had not ruled out future gift taxes on or audits of such donations. “I remain troubled that the I.R.S. has failed to explain what prompted these audits in the first place,” he said.
The I.R.S. has said that the White House had nothing to do with its audits, and its original statement said they were begun by lower-level employees and that administration officials were not notified. Frank Keith, an I.R.S. spokesman, said Thursday that the estate and gift tax unit had in fact suspended those audits in March, although the agency’s initial confirmation of the audits did not mention any such action.
“All decisions to open, suspend and close the audits were made by career civil servants and were not the result of any outside influence,” Mr. Keith said.
Mr. Miller’s memo today indicated that no new inquiries would be made of donors to such groups until these issues had been studied and a broader policy developed, on a timetable he left open-ended. Greg Colvin, a lawyer for one of the five donors under audit by the I.R.S., called the memo issued Thursday “at least a temporary victory.”
“They might sometime in the future decide to apply the tax,” Mr. Colvin added. “But in my experience, they can go for a very, very long time if they’ve got a tough issue where there is difficult public policy, contradictions, constitutional questions, debate over what Congress intended. They could keep this on ice for decades.”
Mr. Colvin and other lawyers said the I.R.S. turnaround might lead to a spate of refund requests from donors who made contributions to advocacy groups and paid gift taxes. “It makes sense to file a protective claim to avoid losing out by virtue of the statute of limitations expiring,” said Marcus Owens, a lawyer who formerly headed the I.R.S. division that oversees nonprofit groups.
Mr. Keith, the I.R.S. spokesman, said taxpayers had the right to file for a refund of any tax they had paid. “However, I’m not saying how the I.R.S. would treat such a claim, whether it would be honored or denied, and the field directive” — Mr. Miller’s memo — “doesn’t speak to that, either,” he said.
A version of this article appeared in print on July 8, 2011, on page B1 of the New York edition with the headline: I.R.S. Drops Audits Of Political Donors.
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/08/business/irs-drops-audits-of-donors-to-political-groups.html
Marcadores:
American politics and polemics,
In English
quarta-feira, 29 de junho de 2011
Chris Hedges Speaks on Osama bin Laden’s Death
Chris Hedges Speaks on Osama bin Laden’s Death
Truthdigs, May 1, 2011: http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/chris_hedges_speaks_on_osama_bin_ladens_death_20110502Chris Hedges, speaking at a Truthdig fundraising event in Los Angeles on Sunday evening, made these remarks about Osama bin Laden’s death.
I know that because of this announcement, that reportedly Osama bin Laden was killed, Bob [Truthdig Editor Robert Scheer] wanted me to say a few words about it … about al-Qaida. I spent a year of my life covering al-Qaida for The New York Times. It was the work in which I, and other investigative reporters, won the Pulitzer Prize. And I spent seven years of my life in the Middle East. I was the Middle East bureau chief for The New York Times. I’m an Arabic speaker. And when someone came over and told ... me the news, my stomach sank. I’m not in any way naive about what al-Qaida is. It’s an organization that terrifies me. I know it intimately.
But I’m also intimately familiar with the collective humiliation that we have imposed on the Muslim world. The expansion of military occupation that took place throughout, in particular the Arab world, following 9/11—and that this presence of American imperial bases, dotted, not just in Iraq and Afghanistan, but in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Doha—is one that has done more to engender hatred and acts of terror than anything ever orchestrated by Osama bin Laden.
And the killing of bin Laden, who has absolutely no operational role in al-Qaida—that’s clear—he’s kind of a spiritual mentor, a kind of guide … he functions in many of the ways that Hitler functioned for the Nazi Party. We were just talking with Warren [Beatty] about [Ian] Kershaw’s great biography of Hitler, which I read a few months ago, where you hold up a particular ideological ideal and strive for it. That was bin Laden’s role. But all actual acts of terror, which he may have signed off on, he no way planned. [Chris turned out to be wrong about this, or at least, that is what our government told us.]
I think that one of the most interesting aspects of the whole rise of al-Qaida is that when Saddam Hussein … I covered the first Gulf War, went into Kuwait with the 1st Battalion, 1st Marines, was in Basra during the Shiite uprising until I was captured and taken prisoner by the Iraqi Republican Guard. I like to say I was embedded with the Iraqi Republican Guard. Within that initial assault and occupation of Kuwait, bin Laden appealed to the Saudi government to come back and help organize the defense of his country. And he was turned down. And American troops came in and implanted themselves on Muslim soil.
When I was in New York, as some of you were, on 9/11, I was in Times Square when the second plane hit. I walked into The New York Times, I stuffed notebooks in my pocket and walked down the West Side Highway and was at Ground Zero four hours later. I was there when Building 7 collapsed. And I watched as a nation drank deep from that very dark elixir of American nationalism … the flip side of nationalism is always racism, it’s about self-exaltation and the denigration of the other.
And it’s about forgetting that terrorism is a tactic. You can’t make war on terror. Terrorism has been with us since Sallust wrote about it in the Jugurthine wars. And the only way to successfully fight terrorist groups is to isolate [them], isolate those groups, within their own societies. And I was in the immediate days after 9/11 assigned to go out to Jersey City and the places where the hijackers had lived and begin to piece together their lives. I was then very soon transferred to Paris, where I covered all of al-Qaida’s operations in the Middle East and Europe.
So I was in the Middle East in the days after 9/11. And we had garnered the empathy of not only most of the world, but the Muslim world who were appalled at what had been done in the name of their religion. And we had major religious figures like Sheikh Tantawi, the head of al-Azhar—who died recently—who after the attacks of 9/11 not only denounced them as a crime against humanity, which they were, but denounced Osama bin Laden as a fraud … someone who had no right to issue fatwas or religious edicts, no religious legitimacy, no religious training. And the tragedy was that if we had the courage to be vulnerable, if we had built on that empathy, we would be far safer and more secure today than we are.
We responded exactly as these terrorist organizations wanted us to respond. They wanted us to speak the language of violence. What were the explosions that hit the World Trade Center, huge explosions and death above a city skyline? It was straight out of Hollywood. When Robert McNamara in 1965 began the massive bombing campaign of North Vietnam, he did it because he said he wanted to “send a message” to the North Vietnamese—a message that left hundreds of thousands of civilians dead.
These groups learned to speak the language we taught them. And our response was to speak in kind. The language of violence, the language of occupation—the occupation of the Middle East, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan—has been the best recruiting tool al-Qaida has been handed. If it is correct that Osama bin Laden is dead, then it will spiral upwards with acts of suicidal vengeance. And I expect most probably on American soil. The tragedy of the Middle East is one where we proved incapable of communicating in any other language than the brute and brutal force of empire.
And empire finally, as Thucydides understood, is a disease. As Thucydides wrote, the tyranny that the Athenian empire imposed on others it finally imposed on itself. The disease of empire, according to Thucydides, would finally kill Athenian democracy. And the disease of empire, the disease of nationalism … these of course are mirrored in the anarchic violence of these groups, but one that locks us in a kind of frightening death spiral. So while I certainly fear al-Qaida, I know its intentions. I know how it works. I spent months of my life reconstructing every step Mohamed Atta took. While I don’t in any way minimize their danger, I despair. I despair that we as a country, as Nietzsche understood, have become the monster that we are attempting to fight.
Thank you.
Listen to Chris’ speech below:
Marcadores:
American politics and polemics,
In English
quinta-feira, 23 de junho de 2011
Kenneth Raposa, Forbes: LulzSec attacks Petrobras and Brazilian Receita Federal (internal revenue service), news sites, and that main site of the President of the Republic
LulzSec Attacks Brazil Gov, Petrobras
LulzSec attack Brazilian Gov, Petrobras
by Kenneth Raposa, BRIC Breaker, Forbes blogs, June 22, 2011
LulzSec: the logo. The Brazilian arm of the global computer hacker community slammed Brazilian government websites on Wednesday; their biggest attack ever on Brazil. And the third this year. What's next?
Global hacker group LulzSec successfully hacked four government websites, shutting them down and spray painting at least one ofthem with a little keyboard graphiti. LulzSecBrazil, the Brazilian version of the group, took down the website of Brazilian oil company Petrobras on Wednesday. In its place was a message, written in Portuguese for Brazilians to “wake up” and stop paying R$2.98 per liter for gasoline (around $7.5 per gallon) while Petrobras exports it for less. Petrobras was unavailable for immediate comment on its overseas gasoline market.
LulzSec’s Brazilian hacker group has infiltrated government websites three times this year, but Wednesday’s attack was its largest yet. Between midnight and 03:00 local time, three government websites were down, including news sites, Brazil’s internal revenue service, and the main site of the President of the Republic. The SQL injection attacks made the network hosting the sites read over 2 billion unique user access attempts at the same time, slowing the site down, or shutting it down completely, according to a statement from the Office of the President.
The attacking servers were based in Italy, but could have originated elsewhere, Folha de São Paulo reported on Wednesday.
Both LulzSecBrazil and LulzSec announced the attack on their Twitter accounts as they took place.
Petrobras said in a statement that no data appears to have been stolen from the attack. “The momentary congestion of our servers did not cause any alteration to the site’s content or compromised data,” the company said.
LulzSec has been on a tear lately. It’s become the geek squad version of Al Qaeda, joyously claiming responsibility for successful attacks whenever they can. They hacked into the site of the US Senate on June 13, and shut down the Central Intelligence Agency’s website a few days later. They claimed responsibility for both. The group has asked its followers to hack government sites to “steal and leak any classified information, including emails and exchanges of documents. The main targets are banks and other high level establishments.”
LulzSec’s new campaign to steal sensitive government data — and its back to back attacks on the US and Brazil — may signal that it is getting bolder. LulzSec is like a Wikileaks cybersquad of hitmen, but so far has not uncovered any damaging information.
Reuters reporters from Boston and Johannesburg wrote this week that LulzSec recently turned down a potential reward from a security firm, Berg & Berg, that had offered $10,000 to anyone who could change a picture on its website. LulzSec did it, and left a message to say the task was easy. “Keep your money; we do it for the lulz.”
LOL!!!
sábado, 28 de maio de 2011
NYT: China’s Interest in Farmland Makes Brazil Uneasy [as well it should!]
China’s Interest in Farmland Makes Brazil Uneasy
Photo: Daniel Kfouri for The New York Times. A farmer working in his soybean field in Uruaçu, Brazil. Demand for soybeans in China has brought Chinese investors here.
by Alexie Barrionuevo, The New York Times, May 26, 2011
URUAÇU, Brazil — When the Chinese came looking for more soybeans here last year, they inquired about buying land — lots of it.
Photo: Daniel Kfouri for The New York Times. A new railroad line in Uruaçu, Brazil, will carry soybeans to a port for shipping to China. Brazil's economic links with China have helped it prosper, but Brazil is selling mostly raw materials.
Photo: Daniel Kfouri for The New York Times. A farmer harvested soy in Uruaçu, Brazil.
Officials in this farming area would not sell the hundreds of thousands of acres needed. Undeterred, the Chinese pursued a different strategy: providing credit to farmers and potentially tripling the soybeans grown here to feed chickens and hogs back in China.
“They need the soy more than anyone,” said Edimilson Santana, a farmer in the small town of Uruaçu. “This could be a new beginning for farmers here.”
The $7 billion agreement signed last month — to produce six million tons of soybeans a year — is one of several struck in recent weeks as China hurries to shore up its food security and offset its growing reliance on crops from the United States by pursuing vast tracts of Latin America’s agricultural heartland.
“They are moving in,” said Carlo Lovatelli, president of the Brazilian Association of Vegetable Oil Industries. “They are looking for land, looking for reliable partners. But what they would like to do is run the show alone.”
While many welcome the investments, the aggressive push comes as Brazilian officials have begun questioning the “strategic partnership” with China encouraged by former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The Chinese have become so important to Brazil’s economy that it cannot do without them — and that is precisely what is making Brazil increasingly uneasy.
“One thing the world can be sure of: there is no going back,” Mr. da Silva said while visiting Beijing in 2009.
China has become Brazil’s biggest trading partner, buying ever increasing volumes of soybeans and iron ore, while investing billions in Brazil’s energy sector. The demand has helped fuel an economic boom here that has lifted more than 20 million Brazilians from extreme poverty and brought economic stability to a country accustomed to periodic crises.
Yet some experts say the partnership has devolved into a classic neo-colonial relationship in which China has the upper hand. Nearly 84% of Brazil’s exports to China last year were raw materials, up from 68% in 2000. But about 98% of China’s exports to Brazil are manufactured products — including the latest, low-priced cars for Brazil’s emerging middle class — that are beating down Brazil’s industrial sector.
“The relationship has been very unbalanced,” said Rubens Ricupero, a former Brazilian diplomat and finance minister. “There has been a clear lack of strategy on the Brazilian side.”
While visiting China last month, Brazil’s new president, Dilma Rousseff, emphasized the need to sell higher-value products to China, and she has edged closer to the United States. “It is not by accident that there is a sort of effort to revalue the relationship with the United States,” said Paulo Sotero, director of the Brazil Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. “China exposes Brazil’s vulnerabilities more than any other country in the world.”
China’s moves to buy land have made officials nervous. Last August, Luís Inácio Adams, Brazil’s attorney general, reinterpreted a 1971 law, making it significantly harder for foreigners to buy land in Brazil. Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, followed suit last month, sending a law to Congress limiting the size and concentration of rural land foreigners could own.
Mr. Adams said his decision was not a direct result of land-buying by China, but he noted that huge “land grabs” in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa, including China’s attempt to lease about three million acres in the Philippines, had alarmed Brazilian officials.
“Nothing is preventing investment from happening, but it will be regulated,” Mr. Adams said.
A World Bank study last year said that volatile food prices had brought a “rising tide” of large-scale farmland purchases in developing nations, and that China was among a small group of countries making most of the purchases.
Foreigners own an estimated 11% of productive land in Argentina, according to the Argentine Agriculture Federation. In Brazil, one government study estimated that foreigners owned land equivalent to about 20% of São Paulo State.
International investors have criticized the restrictions. At least $15 billion in farming and forestry projects in Brazil have been suspended since the government’s limits, according to Agroconsult, a Brazilian agricultural consultancy.
“The tightening of land purchases by foreigners is really a step backwards into a Jurassic mentality of counterproductive nationalism,” said Charles Tang, president of the Brazil-China Chamber of Commerce, saying that American farmers had bought sizable plots in Brazil in recent years, with little uproar.
Responding to the criticism, Brazil’s agriculture minister said this month that Brazil might start leasing farmland to foreigners, given the barriers to ownership.
China itself does not allow private ownership of farmland, and it cautioned local governments against granting large-scale or long-term leases to companies in a 2001 directive. China also bans foreign companies from buying mines and oil fields.
But as more of its people eat meat, China is expected to increase its soybean imports, mostly for animal feed, by more than 50% by 2020, according to the United States Department of Agriculture. Last month, Chongqing Grains signed a $2.5 billion agreement to produce soybeans in the Brazilian state of Bahia. Last October, a Chinese group agreed to develop about 500,000 acres of farmland in Río Negro Province in Argentina.
In both cases, Chinese officials proposed buying large tracts of land before local officials steered them toward production agreements.
“We are never going to sell the land,” said Juan Manuel Accatino, the minister of production in Río Negro.
Brian Willott, an American farmer who came to Brazil in 2003, said Chinese interest in buying farms had not abated. “Everywhere you go to look at a farm they say, ‘We are considering selling to the Chinese,’ ” he said.
In Goiás State, nearly 70% of the soy grown went to the Chinese last year, and the Chinese are seeking to use about 20 million acres of pastureland that has not been cultivated for decades.
“For them, the faster the better,” said Antônio de Lima, Goiás’ agriculture minister.
Farmers here say they share Chinese officials’ goal of breaking the stranglehold of international trading companies like Cargill and Archer Daniels Midland.
But Tan Lin, a manager at the Chinese company involved in Goiás, said he doubted Chinese companies were ready to replace them.
“I don’t see that the Chinese companies working here have that expertise yet,” Mr. Tan said. But “if you can do that, it is good, of course.”
Reporting was contributed by Myrna Domit from São Paulo, Brazil, Charles Newbery from Buenos Aires, David Barboza from Shanghai and Keith Bradsher from Hong Kong.
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/ 05/27/world/americas/27brazil. html?src=recg&pagewanted=all
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